Difference Between Democrat vs Republican Sexual Predator

Ever wonder about the differences between Republicans and Democrats, and how they treat their sexual predators?  Consider the following between Democrat Party supporter Harvey Weinstein and Republican politician Donald Trump, and the price they have paid, from their supporters, for being a monster.

 

Strong Cross Between Victor Hugo Morales and Magdalena Ruiz Guinazu

Strong cross between Victor Hugo Morales and Magdalena Ruiz Guinazu

As part of a series of interviews with presidential candidates performed together at Radio Continental, Magdalena Ruiz Guinazu and Victor Hugo Morales had a strong cross over journalism.

After a conversation about the media close to the government, Ruiz Guinazu suggested that the name of Victor Hugo’s program on Channel 9, Down-line, reflecting the relationship of the journalist with the Casa Rosada.

-Magdalena Ruiz Guinazu: What do you call your program on Channel 9?

– Victor Hugo Morales:  Slope of line

– MRG:  Slope of line, of course …

– VHM: That I underline, not that I lower it to me …

– MRG: I think so … Anyone who sees your program on Channel 9 or listens to Radio Continental, you know … and you’re defending your right to defend your ideas, but do not come to say that the Government does not intervene … Let the audience questions …

– VHM: No way there will be questions you want here as I hold someone down line on my TV because Bajada line call. Did you think that I fall line, Magdalena?

– MRG: I think so.

– VHM: Who the government?

– MRG: I do not know who, but certainly the government. You defend him permanently. In addition you qualify here the general press and colleagues say they’re a bunch of crap.

– VHM: Never say a word, I would not say that for radio.

– MRG: Yes, and I apply it to me too.

– VHM I did not know … but when? Do you have a record of such an accusation?

– MRG: I do not usually use espionage others do, I have no recording, we were all in the studio here.

“From the nose”. Then Ricardo Alfonsín entered the discussion, when Morales said that “the opposition is led by the nostrils in the mainstream media.”

“Why is so aggressive, Victor Hugo? That is an attitude that is not democratic. I have many more media credentials to oppose the Government: the party, my father [former President Raul Alfonsin], my values. Why do I have to be led by the nose? “interrupted the candidate of the Union for Social Development (UDESA). “I take that word, is a way of signaling that they always mark what is spoken and what was discussed,” continued the driver.

By this he meant the beginning of the crossing, when focused on the complaint to the Secretary of Internal Trade, Guillermo Moreno, about his alleged violent incident against an official of the militant Pro “I want to know what we got when we got in the allegations of media companies have now a real mafia, as reported by a hidden camera we know these days, led by [the CEO of Grupo Clarin, Hector] Magnetto, mafia who feel threatened because newsprint is for them a very painful subject, and the man who is facing Newsprint Moreno “.

“What evidence do you have to say that what Newsprint is a mafia? That the decision of the Court, Victor Hugo. Why are you required to say something else when such rigorous testing as the government says something, you are not requires such rigorous testing? “questioned the candidate. “I have the moral conviction that it is a mafia,” said Victor Hugo, to which Alfonsin said: “I have many convictions, but I can from my convictions to say what happens to me. That’s what the Justice. I have many beliefs, many certainties, and many things that happen in the private sector and the media do not like but it is much more serious when these things are done by the State, the State must argue that these things do not happen ” .

Then, Alfonsin stressed the multiplication of media close to the government in recent times, backed by Ruiz Guinazu. “In a few countries, a government must have many means at its favor,” said presidential candidate and spoke of “media patronage” in the media inside, driven from government advertising.

Dicaprio, The First Who Owns a Fisker Karma | Fisker Karma Was Lauched


The first customer will take possession of model Fisker Karma is Leonardo DiCaprio. In addition, 3,000 clients have already ordered the car, and by early 2012, the company Fisker says it will honor all requests. Some say the waiting list is longer and other personalities such as Al Gore and Colin Powel.Currently, the Valmet factory in Finland produces five cars per week, but by November the rate will increase to 300 units produced per week

Henrik Fisker, the founder has more ambitious plans. After Karma will be retired, Fisker aims to create more new versions, including a shooting and a convertible station wagon, which will be sold in limited series. The shooting break will be launched at the Frankfurt Motor Show this fall.

If all goes as planned in early 2013 Fisker will expose to the public a smaller model designed to rival the BMW 3 series. Currently, its code name is,”Nina Project. Fisker Karma is a vehicle built with aluminum chassis and is equipped with two electric motors, and a propellant gas station, which occupies the central place the battery charging. Are available 260 hp, 2.0-liter engine produced by the turbo.

We do not know if Leonardo DiCaprio him more interested in technical data or design of this machine, but we know that girl in the photos is not included in standard package.

What Does Labour Have to Lose From a Left Turn?

by James Kelly

Why the British Labour Party abandoned its traditional socialist policies, and the lessons that can be applied to the party’s current predicament.

When the British Labour Party abandoned much of its socialist ideology in the 1990s, it did so for one reason – the pursuit of popularity, and by extension the pursuit of power. It had been in opposition for almost two decades, lost four general elections in a row, and the question that was being posed more and more volubly was “what”s the point of having the most wonderful policies in the world if you never have the power to put them into practice?’ The moment that came to symbolise this dilemma more than any other was the 1983 election, when Labour was led by its most left-wing leader since pre-war times, Michael Foot, and had a manifesto that made radical party activists purr with pleasure. The party went on to suffer its most crushing defeat since the 1930s, and came perilously close to slipping into third place in the popular vote. Perhaps not unreasonably, the lesson drawn by the “modernisers” in the party – including the young Tony Blair and Gordon Brown – was that Labour’s electoral woes were directly correlated to the party’s ideological distance from the centre of gravity in the country as a whole.

“June 9th, 1983, never again!” was the new leader Neil Kinnock’s battle-cry as he embarked on the slow and painful process of moving Labour onto the centre-ground of politics where it was felt it could achieve electability. The most dramatic indication of the sacrifices the party was prepared to make came when Kinnock himself shifted on one of his most passionately-held personal beliefs, and agreed to support the retention of the UK’s nuclear weapons. In an interview days before the 1992 general election, he even suggested that as Prime Minister he might be prepared in some circumstances to launch a nuclear attack – an extraordinary position for a man who had devoted much of his political life to the cause of unilateral disarmament.

But Labour still lost the 1992 election, its fourth defeat in succession. Did this give the true believers in the “1983 maxim” some pause for thought? Quite the reverse. The fact that the Conservatives’ parliamentary majority had been slashed to 21 was cited as proof that Labour’s ideological repositioning had gained some traction with the electorate. The fact that the Conservatives remained in power simply proved that the process hadn’t gone far enough yet. So “New Labour” was born, and in Tony Blair the party suddenly had a leader who was probably further to the right than many “conservative” political leaders in continental Europe. Yet so hungry were the party faithful for power, and so completely had they bought into the modernizers’ analysis of what was required to achieve that goal, they accepted every move Blair made as being necessary. It was sometimes mischievously suggested that if Blair had wanted to reintroduce capital punishment, the party rank-and-file would have let it through on the nod.

And in 1997, the Labour party did not merely return to power, but recorded the most comprehensive victory by any side in a British general election since the 1930s. Some pointed out there was considerable evidence that if John Smith, Blair’s immediate predecessor as Labour leader, had not died in office, he would still have been able to lead the party back to power from a more traditional centre-left position. But not by anything like the same margin, the modernisers retorted. It did indeed seem to be the final, irrefutable proof that Labour’s level of support went up in direct proportion to how far it had moved to the right.

But fast forward to the present day. Gordon Brown has persisted with the Blairite strategy of tacking to the right, and yet the latest opinion polls show Labour at its lowest level of support since records began, and thus by definition lower than at the party’s 1983 nadir. Gordon Brown is a less popular leader than Michael Foot. New Labour was founded on the principle that if you are shedding votes, you must ruthlessly shed your current ideology to win those votes back. As it is the more traditional Labour voters who have been deserting the party in droves – witness the Scottish parliament election last year – the obvious conclusion to draw is that the party must shift back to the left to regain some degree of support.

The objection to this analysis might be that Labour cannot hope to win the next election with its traditional supporters alone – it needs the entire New Labour coalition of 1997. Unfortunately, the hard truth is that this coalition is long gone, and the next election is almost certainly already lost. To adapt the question that was asked in the long years of opposition to fit present-day circumstances – “if you”re going to lose anyway, what’s the point of having power for the next two years if you’re not going to use it to achieve the things your party is supposed to believe in?’