The movement sought a reinvigoration of art and literature in the country but more importantly it wanted a greater understanding of what it meant to be an Italian. Within a few years it had turned political.

Italian nationalism was in large part a reaction to foreign rule and occupation. Its main protagonist was the Hapsburg Austrian Empire which dominated much of northern Italy and ruled elsewhere also through its various satellites and surrogates. Indeed, the Austrian Chancellor Count Metternich whilst attending the Congress of Vienna which was to determine the shape of post-Bonapartist Europe, had somewhat arrogantly referred to Italy, “as no more than a geographical expression,” and in many respects he was right. Italy had long been divided up into City States, individual Republics, and small Kingdoms, and as a result the Italians were an equally divided people. They owed their loyalty or allegiance not to a country but to a region, a city, sometimes even a village. So the cause of Italian unification was never a movement of the people. There was never any great national uprising in support of independence and unification. It was always the movement of a small educated elite.

One of the first groups to form were the Carbonari (Charcoal Burners) who can be said to have kept the flame of Italian independence alight in the early years. They were a conspiratorial organisation which took part in a series of abortive uprisings throughout Italy against French and Austrian occupation and one of their early adherents whilst he was in exile in Italy, was Louis Bonaparte, the young nephew of Napoleon Bonaparte, who was himself to become Emperor Napoleon III, and this was to be of huge significance in the future.

Three men were to play pivotal roles in the Risorgimento, one intellectually, the other militarily, and the third politically. Without any one of them Italian unification may never have occurred, at least not in the way it did.

Giuseppe Mazzini

Giuseppe Mazzini, the Genoese lawyer and the “Soul of Italy” was born on 22 June, 1805, to a privileged family. His comfortable background provided him with the opportunity to dream and what he dreamed of was a unified Italy. In his early years he was willing to channels his energies into the writing of romanticised historical dramas but in 1830, whilst on a sojourn in Tuscany, he joined the Carbonari. This not only hardened his views but the failures of the Carbonari made him realise that it would take more than conspiratorial talk in dark places to bring about Italian unification. Having been briefly placed under arrest he moved abroad so he could work more openly.

In 1831, he formed the secret society La Giovine Italia (Young Italy). Mazzini, however, did not seek Italian unification for its own sake, what he wanted was a Liberal Republic, he was driven as much by his politics as he was by nationalism. By 1833, La Giovine Italia could boast 60,000 members. In the same year Mazzini initiated an insurrection in Genoa, it was brutally crushed and 12 of the rebels were executed. Mazzini, who had escaped but been sentenced to death in absentia, was riven with guilt, and for time he was uncertain whether he wanted to be responsible for sending others to their death. Even so, a well-organised movement for Italian unification with a philosophy, specific aims, and an intellectual rigour, had at last been established and Mazzini was to remain at its heart for the next 35 years.

Giuseppe Garibaldi

Giuseppe Garibaldi, was born in Nice, which was then a part of France, though it would later be governed by the House of Savoy, and was to be a bone of contention between himself and the Piedmontese Prime Minister Conte di Cavour. He was always a physical man and had displayed his courage early when saving a young boys life, and by the age of 13 he was already working at sea. He had always taken an interest in politics and in 1833, he met Mazzini. He would devote the rest of his life to liberation and republican causes and he would become what we would recognise now as a professional revolutionary, and if he had one passion it was to make Rome the capital of an independent and unified Italy, and he would become famous for his motto Roma O Morte (Rome or Death). Following Mazzini’s failed insurrection in Genoa, Garibaldi fled to Marseilles in France before taking ship for South America. There he formed the Italian Legion which adopted the uniform of the red shirt and flew the black flag in mourning for their native Italy. It was in South America that Garibaldi was to make his reputation as a soldier fighting for republican causes in Uruguay, Brazil and Argentina. Whilst in Brazil he was to marry the formidable Anita (Ana Ribeiro da Silva) who was to accompany him on all his campaigns.

In June, 1846, Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti was elected as Pope Pius IX. He was a surprise choice as he had always been associated with liberal causes. His election, however, caused a frission amongst nationalists in Italy for it had long been predicted that the election of a liberal Pope would be the precursor to liberation from foreign oppression. Expectations were raised but then quickly dashed as the Pope proved to be a lot less liberal than they thought. Still Republican sentiment in Rome itself was now manifest and was only fuelled by their anger at and disappointment with the Pope. In February, 1849, Rome was declared a Republic, by Mazzini amongst others, and the Pope was forced to flee. King Charles Albert in Piedmont  viewing events in Rome saw this as an opportunity to unify northern Italy under Piedmontese suzerainty. He declared war on the Austrian Empire but his forces went down to disastrous defeat at the Battle of Novara on 23 March, 1849.

Garibaldi, who had already been excited by the news reaching him from Europe, for 1848 had been the year of revolutionary upheaval across the Continent, set sail for Italy. Upon his arrival in Rome he was made military commander of the city. Garibaldi was used to being in charge, he was a leader and collective decision making did not come easily to him. During his time in Rome his relationship with Mazzini was stretched almost to breaking point. He said of Mazzini, ” he is a man of theory not of practice, who speaks constantly of the people but knows not who they are.” Mazzini was equally as scathing of Garibaldi, describing him as, ” an ignoramus with a face like a lion, and as stupid.” Still they managed to work together. In the meantime, from his exile in the Castle of Gaeta, Pope Pius, who had always been more concerned with Papal sovereignty than he was with any vague notions of republicanism or Italian unification, sent a plea to the Emperor Louis Napoleon III, for assistance.

The French Emperor was only to happy to oblige, to be the fedei defensor (defender of the faith) despite his Carbonari connections. His 28,000 strong invasion force besieged Rome. Garibaldi held out for nearly a month but despite inflicting several defeats on the French he was unable to raise the siege. Declining to fight in the streets of Rome itself fearing its destruction, he announced his intention to withdraw from the city with the famous words, “Duvunque saremo, cola sara Roma” ( Wherever we may be, there will be Rome). He abandoned the city on 30 June with 4,000 men by the time he reached San Marino less than 250 remained. His heavily pregnant wife Anita had died on the march. The first attempt at some kind of Italian unification, vague, ill-planned, uncoordinated, and uncertain of what it wanted to achieve, had failed. But Garibaldi would be back.

Il Conte Di Cavour

While all the excitement was happening in Rome, Camilo Benso, the Conte di Cavour was trying to clear up the mess that had been Piedmonts disastrous war with Austria. Though he didn’t know it at the time, for it was never his intention, he was to be instrumental in the unification of Italy. He always feared the ambitions of Garibaldi who was determined to see Rome as the capital of a unified Italy. His ambition only stretched to seeing a united Kingdom of northern Italy under the suzerainty of his beloved Piedmont. Over time and as the possibilities became more apparent his views modified. He was by all accounts a cold and calculating man whose pragmatism and sense of realpolitik alienated the more avuncular and emotional Garibaldi. Indeed, he didn’t make friends easily and those he did make he didn’t seem to keep for very long. But he worked hard for Italy and was eventually to triumph as successfully in the diplomatic drawing rooms of Europe as Garibaldi did on the battlefield. He was to play the Emperor Napoleon like a finely tuned piano, working on his ego, his previous association with the Carbonari, and his insecurity as the lesser Napoleon. He knew that Napoleon would be the fulcrum for Italian liberation. He also worked hard to create the impression that an Italian State was not only natural but inevitable.

Following the defeat at Novara, King Charles Albert was forced to abdicate in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel II. By July, 1858, Cavour was Prime Minister of Piedmont, and he met Napoleon in secret at Plombieres in France. After some painful discussions it was agreed that if Cavour could engineer a conflict with Austria, France would come to her aid. In negotiating this deal Cavour was forced to cede Savoy, and thereby Nice, to France. Something that Garibaldi would never forgive him for. Even so, Cavour’s plan was almost scuppered when it was proposed to settle the Italian issue through a specially called Congress of Nations. Fortunately, Piedmont had been so aggressive in their tone the Austrians had taken offence and sent an ultimatum demanding that Piedmont disarm. When they refused Austria declared war on 29 April, 1859. Aware from experience that Piedmont could not hope to win a war with Austria, Cavour was desparate for the French support that had been promised. He need not have feared, they were as good as their word. The Franco-Piedmontese forces defeated the Austrians at the chaotic but bloody battles of Magenta and Solferino. But no sooner were Piedmont and Cavour triumphant than they had the rug pulled from under them when Napoleon III decided to make a separate peace with the Austrians. Cavour was furious but could do nothing but accept the fait accompli. Piedmontese power had been increased in the north but Italian unification seemed as far away as ever. It was now that Garibaldi provided the spark that would light the fire of Italian liberation.

On 4 April, 1860, a popular insurrection broke out in Palermo, Sicily. Garibaldi, who had originally been planning to re-take Savoy from the French, now turned his attention to Sicily. Having been denied troops from Piedmont by Cavour, who still mistrusted him, Garibaldi raised 1,085 volunteers – I Mille (the thousand). In May, 1860, he led his Red Shirts to Sicily and with some popular support he defeated the superior forces of the Bourbon Monarchy which ruled ruled Sicily and much of southern Italy at the battles of Calatafimi and Milazzo. Cavour immediately tried to incorporate the newly-liberated Sicily into Piedmont, Garibaldi refused. Cavour then begged Garibaldi not to cross to the mainland and invade the Kingdom of Naples, again he refused. He again defeated the Bourbon army at the Battle of the Volturno and entered Naples to a rapturous reception. Garibaldi was now determined to march on Rome and achieve his long cherished dream of making it the capital of an independent and unified Italy. Cavour was in a panic, Rome was still defended by French troops and an attack on Rome would be the same as a declaration of war and all that had been gained through many years of struggle would be lost. He rushed south with a Piedmontese army and King Victor Emmanuel in tow. He met up with Garibaldi at Temeo on 26 October, 1860. Garibaldi famously shook hands with Victor Emmanuel and declared him King of Italy. They returned to Naples together in triumph. In November, Garibaldi retired to the Island of Caprera, he refused to accept any reward for his services. Italy, of course, was not yet unified, Rome was still a Papal enclave and Venetia was still under Austrian control. In 1866, Garibaldi was to make an abortive attempt to take Rome for which he was temporarily imprisoned, the same year Venetia was ceded to Italy. In 1870, following the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War French troops were withdrawn from Rome and Garibaldi’s dream was at last realised.

The Conte di Cavour was never to see Rome restored as Italy’s capital. He had little opportunity to enjoy his success.Though he was appointed Italy’s first Prime Minister he died of a fever on 6 June, 1861. Garibaldi, meanwhile, had become a global celebrity and superstar. When he visited Britain in 1864, thousands turned out to greet him on the streets, people asked for his autograph, they offered to pay to be photographed alongside him, and he was invited to dine with dignitaries, which he invariably declined. In 1862, he had been offered a command in the Union Army fighting the Civil War in America by Abraham Lincoln but declined it because Lincoln refused to make the abolition of slavery his main war aim. In his later years he was to be elected numerous times to the Italian Parliament but by now he was spending more and more time at his farm on Caprera. He had always had a keen interest in agriculture and now seemed to be enjoying his semi-retirement. On 2 June, 1882, as he lay on his deathbed he asked to be moved to a place where he could gaze upon the sea. Soon after he passed away at the age of 75, the Father of the Italian Nation.

Giuseppe Mazzini, Giuseppe Garibaldi, and the Conte di Cavour. They had formed an unlikely triumvirate, an unholy Trinity of liberation, the Liberal Republican, the Revolutionary who had handed power over to a King, and the Conservative. They had no particular fondness for one another but together they had forged a nation.