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Understanding the Sri Lankan Civil War

by Patricia Lee in Military, July 14, 2009

The Sri Lankan Civil War is one of the longest running armed conflicts in Asia. Since 1983 the South Asian Island has been faced with a constant rendition of violence between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) whose members originate from the largest ethnic minority, the Tamils and the Sinhalese Community, which forms the majority of the population.

Image via Wikipedia

Image via Wikipedia

There have been numerous attempts at conflict resolution through the years; however after short bouts of peace, there has always been a resumption of violence. Conflict resolution has been unsuccessful for a variety of reasons and unlike many other conflicts of this nature, there seems to have been no positive advances made.

European military conquest has left a devastating legacy; the Tamil Nation of Sri Lanka is similar to many other communities existing within multi-national states. With the dissolution of direct colonial rule, the majority gained power in these newly independent states.

Post-colonialism brought in an era of intense conflict, with minority groups demanding self-determination and freedom from repressive states. ‘Nation-building’ was used by leaders of post-colonial societies to justify their neglect of the needs of

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. The new leaders believed it imperative for the success of the nation to overcome the problems associated with minority ethnic groups and build a united identity.

In 1948 Sri Lanka, then called Ceylon, achieved independence from the British Empire. During the build up to 1948 the majority had been given far greater power in comparison with the minority Tamil elite. Independence had been on the cards for some time. There were signs on many occasions that there may be trouble.

Britain did not sort out these problems before it left. It had secured naval and air bases in Ceylon and had ensured its commercial interests were protected. It was clear at this point that Ceylon would have issues creating a society where different identity groups would be able to co-exist together.

From the Sinhalese point of view they feel that their country is too small to be divided and if it were, Tamil Eelam would control more that 50% of the Island’s coast. They believe that they are the original people of Sri Lanka, the Tamils are seen as immigrants who could easily return to Tamil Nadu, an Indian State, which the Sinhalese people state is the original homeland of the Tamils.

The biggest concern that the Sinhalese majority have is that an independent Tamil Eelam may pose a serious threat to them, they fear a link with the Tamils in the plantations, there are one million of them in the plantations in central Sri Lanka, with a population of this size, their fear is not an exaggerated one.  

The majority essentially fears that if power sharing comes about then it will be used as a stepping-stone by the LTTE to form a completely separate state. Regardless of how many times Tamil politicians have tried to allay this fear, it has never been successful.

Attempts to bring about a devolution of power have all come from the ethnic conflict and the lack of rights suffered, yet Sinhalese politicians refuse to see this or have felt that the Tamil Community have a far more devious agenda than simply the attainment of their fundamental rights.

Throughout the 19th century the Sinhalese population came under a series of threats from external forces. Indian expansionism, international trade and colonialism all had a negative impact on their country. Their language and religion was severely threatened. With the Sinhala Buddhist revival in the second half of the 19th century came a renewed fighting spirit and confidence in their unique identity.

The Tamil population too holds a very legitimate stance. It is true that there have been legitimate threats to their culture and way of life from Sri Lankan governments. The Sinhala Only Act of 1956 was said to be an attempt, after the country gained independence, to distance the Island from the days of colonial rule under Britain. However, it diminished the employment prospects of the Tamil Community. In 1955 the civil service had been mainly Tamil, by 1970 it was almost entirely Sinhalese, as the Tamils did not possess the fluency in Sinhala necessary.

Tamil areas were also subjected to state sponsored Sinhala colonisation. Genocidal attacks on the Tamil population have also occurred in the past. There is clearly a fear from both sides that any form of weakness or submission will mean the destruction of their identities.

Despite carrying out non-violent protests for more than two decades, the Tamil minority were unable to achieve any real solution to their problems. There has never been a real attempt by the Sinhalese to make headway in facilitating political power sharing. As a result of this normal politics has not been able to commence. The conflict is one very much entrenched according to ethnicity and religion, which, as has been proven throughout history, makes a dispute very hard to address and conclude.

Saravanamuttu and many other experts on the conflict have theorised that much of the distrust between the two sides stems from a ‘pathology of insecurity’. ‘A majority with a minority complex and a minority with a majority complex’ has resulted from a complicated history and remains very evident. With each community feeling like a threatened minority-the Singhalese within South Asia and the Tamils within Sri Lanka, reality has taken on two extremely contrasting versions.

Despite the fact that Sri Lanka has been the home of indescribable tragedy since its independence, its image has not been consumed by it. Shaped like a teardrop, its scenery is comparable to no where else on earth and its people are progressive, intelligent and have kept alive an exuberant culture.

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