There is a direct misconception of the English society, and their failure to educate the children born within this society can either be blamed on the parents of the children or the children themselves.

 We aim to prove that as a result of racism, bigotry and pomposity on the part of the government, the so called educators, namely the Headmasters and the Teachers, who sleep in the ideology that all mankind who are not of pure Anglo-Saxon origin are of inferior quality hereby continue to support and maintain the rigid class structure, which denies the young black people, who’s parents form a part of the under privileged working class, compelling them to become victims not only of class, but of their colour and creed. 

We the black people in our weakness have looked on helplessly at the destruction of our children from the first contempory generation until today.  However we believe that the time has come that we should clarify our position by explaining to the powers that be, that we understood clearly what was happening to our children and the outcome we could visualise. 

We were always victims and we continue to be victims, victims of mis-education, mis-information, and the belief in our own inferiority in other words we have become so controlled, that our minds have absorbed the continuous brain-washing which has been forced upon us as a people for the past four hundred years. 

Black people have been an integral part of Europe before the Romans, and during Roman Times, the black Roman soldiers who occupied these shores out numbered the white Romans by two to one. 

Septimus Saverious the Roman Emperor, who ruled Britain for 60 years who died and was buried in York was of African origin, so was Hannibal of Carthage not to mention Esop one of the greatest philosophers of all time, whose fables form part of English folk law, and rank equally with philosophers such as Confusious, Oris Hove, Pluto and other people such as Alexander the Great, and the contribution made to European civilisation by Alexandra Dumas who was once the General in charge of Napoleon 

Historically just like the statues of the Black Madonna and child who were in place all over Europe where the so called Christian Anglo-Saxons portrayed them as the pagan black Madonna and child, and went around painting them white in order to mislead the world. 

The men I have mentioned made such great contributions to the good aspects of European civilisation only to find themselves hidden to their descendants.  Wrapped in cloaks of white garments only these garments are not so white. 

The black people, all men and women of colour have been denied their history, their past has been forbidden to them.  Their presence to the white race is of no value, but to us who have the knowledge and the understanding of what we are about, have the foresight to see that unless there are changes, the future for all mankind both black and white is bleak.

Trumpington Meadows, a village near Cambridge, is the place here a teenage girl, probably of noble birth, was laid to rest, lying on an ornamental bed, in her best clothes. Exactly how this 16-year-old Anglo Saxon girl met her death,  and who she was remains mysterious, but she was interred wearing a gold cross, suggestive of her having been one of the earliest Christians in Britain.

It was Cambridge University scientists who unearthed her well-preserved 1,400-year-old grave, a burial site indicating that Christianity had established itself as early as the 7th century in this area, not long after Roman monk St Augustine was dispatched in 595 by Pope Gregory the Great to convert the English.

His missionary team started in Kent, slowly working their way around the country until he became first Archbishop of Canterbury in 597, although it is certain that Christians and pagans co-existed for a very long time. The latest discovery gives good insights to life at the time, the girl being buried, according to the pagan tradition, with grave goods – in the shape of a knife and glass beads for use in the next life –which contravenes Christian beliefs.

Expert on Anglo-Saxon cemeteries Dr Sam Lewsey called this an extremely rare discovery, because, as Christian conversion only gradually filtered down, such an elaborate burial, including a valuable artifact, are sure signs that this girl was either nobility or royalty, the cross  certainly  belonging to the highest sphere of society.

13  such Anglo Saxon so-called bed burials have over time been discovered, almost all noble women, laid to rest on wood and metal frames topped with straw mattresses, but none earlier than 7th century. The small – 1in wide – gold cross, dated to between 650 and 680AD  and studded with cut garnets, was almost certainly sewn into her clothing around the neck and worn in daily life. 

Three further graves were found the others containing two girls in their late teens – with no religious signs – an individual, in their 20s, gender unknown, so the girl buried with the cross could have had an official role in the fledgling Christian church, which the Romans had tried without success  to introduce  200 years before. 

7th century kings and nobles were happy to join in with the conversion process, because any noblewoman not wanting to marry could use the church as a good choice instead. Since life in those days was hard, and average life expectancy short by modern standards, the girl probably died young because of illness, like the plague, which could have killed the other three as well.

Back in those peaceful times, people were healthy, well-fed and in many cases quite prosperous, as well as being, contrary to misplaced ideas, more than a little sophisticated into the bargain, because archaeology has shown that the Anglo-Saxons produced stunning and intricate jewellery, probably mining silver and gold in England, and trading other commodities across Europe and Asia.

Tests will be conducted on the skeleton to establish cause of death of the young woman, what she tended to eat and her medical condition, because the way that she relates to the other three graves is key to the investigation, establishing  whether the buried people were related, for example, such a small set of graves being unusual, even if the bed and cross are ignored. Just why this one grave merited such lavish  treatment has captured the imagination of all involved, and they are impatient to learn more.

While much of Bede’s youth is left a mystery a few things are known. Bede was born to parents of St. Peter, which was newly founded in 672. He was born in Wearmouth and at the young age of seven was given to a monastery in Jarrow by his relatives. It appeared that Bede’s parents did not have much to do with him during his life, as they do not appear in any of his writings. However, in the monasteries Bede was in the care of Abbot Benedicts and he was eventually moved to the twin house of the monastery located in Jarrow when Bede was replaced by Ceolfrith in the first monastery. However, according to the Life of Ceolfrith, Ceolfrith does not seem to dislike Bede and even suggests that they were the only two people of the monasteries to survive a plague. By the time that Bede was 19 years[3] old he had became a deacon at the monastery and was teaching the monastic rule.[4] Bede did not travel, very much, that historians know of. His writings suggests that he left the monasteries several times but the only concrete evidence is of two visits outside of Jarrow; once to Lindisfarne and once to York.

Bede in the monasteries learned much and became a well educated man. Bede was fluent in writing and speaking Latin as well as Greek. Bede became a teacher in the monasteries and taught prayer and other studies to the monks. Bede becoming a monk at a very young age helped him to succeed in the monasteries because that was his way of life and he did not know anything other than what he learned in the monasteries. Bede’s knowledge of Latin was very fluent and can be found throughout his writings as well as his knowledge of Hebrew. Evidence of this is located with the Bible that he transcribed into Latin. However, recent suggestions made, seem to suggest that Bede knew some knowledge of Greek. Possible enough to read, but not enough to interpret the critical thinking involved in Greek literature. A few Greek phrases that were recorded by Bede have been borrowed by Felix, another monk at the monastery, but not much has been investigated to know how well Bede knew Greek. However the evidence still suggests that Bede knew some Greek, to the extent, historians are still trying to determine. [5]

While in the monasteries Bede became very knowledgeable. He used his learning to create several works that dealt with a variety of topics: theology, chronology, history etc. Bede’s work while being lengthy was remarkable in the clarity and quality, and the range of material covered. Bede’s theological works of the bible were done in a way the attempted to eliminate discrepancies. Bede read and interpreted the Bible as an allegory and by trying to eliminate the discrepancies in order for the Bible to become more widely accepted during the early medieval period. Bede completed two works the dealt with chronology. De Temporibus (On Times) and De Temporum Ratione (On the Reckoning of Time), both were dealing with the dating of Easter. During the time several discrepancies came about dealing with calendars and the dates on religious festivals. Bede was able invent the use of A.D. for the years after Christ’s death, making modern calculations of ancient times easier to keep track of. Not only did he come up with A.D., but while he was working on the dating of Easter, he paid particular attention to astronomy. Bede noticed how the moon affected the tides and was very observant of nature and science.

Bede as an historian took on many different aspects. In his books he discussed the reign and leaders of early England as well as discussing many matters that deal with the church and the Popes. By writing about these matters Bede was able to illustrate the lives of Anglo-Saxon’s living in England for modern historians, and left much of what we know today, on the lifestyles that they lived.  The Ecclesiastical History of the English People[6] is compiled of five books written by Bede all of which are untitled but contain a variety of information. The first book contains information regarding the diversity of races and the geography of Britain, then in book two Bede deals with Christianity and after Pope Gregory’s death. Books three and four deal with the success of different people and includes miracles deemed as being an act of God, book five also incorporates miraculous stories of God as well as the dating of Easter.

Book one of the Ecclesiastical History of the English People begins by describing Britain and Ireland in terms of location. This book seems to discuss the oldest amount of information know to him at the time, and deals with ancient inhabitants and the troubles that they encountered. Bede then moves into the Roman impact on Britain and discuss the arrival of Julius Caesar and Claudius. After this Bede begins discussing the Kings of Britain and the Christianity impact that the kings had upon Britain. Lucius being the first king desired to become a Christian, while a few years later during the reign of Diocletian, the Christians were persecuted. The majority of the first book written by Bede can be summed up into a kings list of Britain but also includes the impact of the kings and their connections with the Church, Christianity, and the Pope’s during each king’s reign. The latter portion of book one deals with Pope Gregory and the letters that were sent by him to different individuals during the time. [7]

Bede’s second book begins with the death of Pope Gregory and continues into discusses St. Augustine’s discussion of the Popes death and the impact. Then flows back into the discussion of kings, Ethelbert and Sabert, the beginnings of Pope Boniface and his letters as well as his advises to Queen Ethelberga. The latter six chapters, of Bede’s second book, deal with King Edwin and his reign.

The Third book picks up with the succession of King Edwin and Oswald becoming king. However, the majority of book three deals with the miracles that occurred after King Oswald’s death and the miraculous powers of Oswald’s tomb, and the place where he was killed. Some of the miracles that Bede discusses in Book three are: the curing of a young girl of Palsy, a boy cured of an ague[8], and the powers of the bones of Oswald being able to remove devils and demons from the possessed. From these stories one can realize Bede’s faith to the church and to God. However, in relation to his book these stories dealing with the supernatural seemed to almost be out of place, as most of the information derived in the five books of Bede, contains information regarding Kings, Popes, etc. who are tangible beings that have left concrete evidence of their existence. After discussing the miraculous powers of King Oswald, Bede continues discussing the kings, bishops and popes.

With the beginning of Book Four Bede recaps the miraculous powers of Oswald’s tomb only this time with the powers of St. Cuthbert. Once again there was people dying that were cured, and the curing of palsy. While this book seemed more fitting to place the powers of Oswald’s tomb the collection of five books are in chronological order and therefore placed in the order that events occurred.  Oswald’s tomb was just the beginning of miraculous powers that would occur in England, from God through the church; this could be a representation of how faith and the church began playing a more prominent role in society. Not only were society and the people supporting the church more but there was a more peaceful existence between the kings and the church itself. In book four there was also the bishop who made peace between two kings, this illustrated the aid of the church helping the kings to become a more peaceful and church centered nation.

Finally in book five, Bede goes into more depth with Britain in relation to the church and discusses in detail the Bishop John. John held powers similar to that of Oswald and Cuthbert. John cured a dumb man by blessing him, used prayers to heal a sick maiden, healed an earl’s wife that was sick by using holy water, and recovered one of the earl’s servants from death. John performed several miraculous acts that Bede documented. Of the miracles performed those that had been revived from the dead brought with them stories of heaven and books containing all their sins etc that is common to the events that occur in the Holy Bible. The majority of the final book illustrates strength in the church as well as the conversion of several people into Christianity.

The Ecclesiastical History of the English People contains five manuscripts put together that were all well written by Bede. The manuscripts can be read either separately or together as a whole. Possibly more fitting to be read together and for the books to actually be treated more as chapters since it does follow chronological order. While most of the written information during the time is skewed and full of fragments, Bede keeps everything flowing in simple terms that people can follow easily.

However, the great Venerable Bede died in 735, at the age of 63. After accomplishing much in his lifetime as a monk, he left historians today with the information that they needed to understand Anglo-Saxon England. Without the work of Bede everything out have been left to the archaeologists to uncover. The amount of information provided by Bede would have then been scattered with missing pieces and a kings list may or may not have been completed.  Bede was ill much of his life and according to Cuthbert, often he was breathless. Bede was breathless throughout the year with the exception of two days before and after Easter and Cuthbert writes in a letter about Bede’s death that those days was when Bede was most joyful. Cuthbert also writes about how in the room that Bede died, Bede had written scriptures and prayers on the walls of the room and spend his dying days still praying and worshiping God.

For the entirety of Bede’s life he was devoted to prayer and worship in the monastery at Jarrow. From age seven forward his knowledge increased and it can be seen from his learning of language and teachings, that he believed in and put time and effort into the monasteries. Bede lived to be 63, and he only left the monastery twice after he entered. Bede began his work by translating the Bible from Hebrew into Latin. Then from there wrote numerous books and letters in regards to religion and the outside world that he excluded himself from. Bede’s works contain detailed historical accounts of early Britain during the Anglo-Saxon times and was able to write with such clarity that makes his work still stand out today. Bede’s life was a model of success however as Cuthbert mentions in his letter upon Bede’s death, much of his inspiration came from orphans of the monasteries, since Bede himself could relate to them. Bede’s parents were not discussed during his life, he was left under the care of someone else shortly after he was born and became a monk shortly after. For Bede it may have seemed that life on earth was nothing to life for but the afterlife through faith was all the human beings have in order to keep them going through life. Either way, Bede clearly demonstrates the theme of Britain going from diversity to unity within The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, his most known work of literature.

Bibliography

Bede, Venerable. The History of the Church of Englande . Translated by Thomas Stapleton. Amsterdam: Da Capo Press, 1970.

Bolton, W.F. “An Aspect of Bede’s Later Knowledge of Greek .” The Classical Review (Cambridge University Press) 13, no. 1 (Mar 1963): 17-18.

Chaney, William A. “Review: [untitled].” Church History (Cambridge University Press) 66, no. 2 (Jun 1997): 324.

Colgrave, Bertram. “Review: [untitled].” The English Historical Review (Oxford University Press) 63, no. 248 (Jul 1948): 363-365.

Je, C. “Review: [untitled].” The English Historical Review (Oxford University Press) 62, no. 242 (Jan 1947): 117.

Roberts, Clayton, David Roberts, and Douglas R. Bisson. A History of England . 5th Edition. Edited by Charles Cavaliere. Vol. I Prehistory to 1714. New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc. , 2009.

Rosenthal, Joel T. “Bede’s Ecclesiastical History and the Material Conditions of Anglo-Saxon Life.” Journal of British Studies (The University of Chicago Press) 19, no. 1 (Autumn 1979): 1-17.

Sweet, Alfred H. “Review: [untitled].” The American Historical Review (The University of Chicago Press) 42, no. 4 (Jul 1937): 721-722.

Venerable, Bede. Ecclesiastical History of the English People . Translated by Leo Sherley Price, R.E. Latham and D.H. Farmer. London: Penguin , 1990.

[1] Venerable Bede entered Wearmouth, the monk monastery at age seven and spent his life there and at Jarrow devoting his entire life in devotion to God and the Church as well as to study.

[2] From Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People

[3] An example of the knowledge of Bede since the age for a deacon during the time period was 25 years old or older. Bede was displaying great knowledge and devotion to the monasteries at a very young age. Priests were supposed to be over 30 years old.

[4] The monastic rule consisted of Bede teaching both a mixture of prayers and studies.

[5] Information regarding the investigation into Bede’s knowledge of Greek can be located in the article An Aspect of Bede’s Later Knowledge of Greek by W. F. Bolton.

[6] The Ecclesiastical History of the English People was compiled from manuscripts found that Bede had written and was firs printed as one collection in 1480

[7] Letters that were sent by Pope Gregory were sent to bishops, kings, and a variety of people that Bede felt important.

[8] Ague is a feverish condition that is alternating between hot and cold, the feverish conditions are similar to that of malaria and in the case of the boy, he was dying and would be dead within the day’s time. However, after listening to a man and going to Oswald’s tomb he was better within three days. 

   An Anglo-Saxon monarchy is a concept that is substantially different from what one would normally define a monarchy to be. When monarchy’s are discussed one thinks of absolute power, of political figures and of hereditary succession. This is typically true of Medieval England and Medieval Europe in general, however Anglo-Saxon kings shared very few key traits with their counterparts centuries down the line. Offa king of the Mercians from 757 to 796 is a new kind of Anglo-Saxon leader, in many ways, from those proceeding him and it was in no small way due to him that later kings such as Alfred of Wessex (849-899) started to become more like the kings of the middle ages.

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  The most powerful kings of the 6th and 7th centuries are described in sources like the Anglo-Saxon chronicles and the writings of the monk Bede were described as Bretwaldas. Æthelberht of Kent (590–616) and Oswald of Northumbria (633–42) are examples of people called Bretwaldas by both sources. Bretwaldas are powerful warrior kings who are importantly Christian, Bede being a monk would not name any pagans as Bretwaldas it is for this reason that the Mercian Penda is not given the illustrious title. Bretwaldas owed their power to success on the battlefield and the booty that was brought with it. Early Northumbrian kings were so successful because they were able to raid north into Scotland and so were able to gain the support of their followers with the spoils of war. Men were kept loyal by being given anything of valuable that could moved, cattle, gold and coin are good examples of what kings gave in return for support. However this system is unsustainable and therefore flawed. It required kings to personally go to battle in search of victory, this lead to the death in battle for many Bretwaldas. The deaths of the kings when they were in their early twenties or thirties caused deep political instability in the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, kings did not reign for long periods of time and as they died when their children were in their infancy there was no possibility of dynasties being formed. The warlike nature of the Bretwaldas kingdoms also left kings open to threats from powerful people within the kingdom. Offa did at least attempt to create a dynasty by having his son Ecgfrith crowned as co-king in 787, nine years before his death, but this attempt failed due to Ecgfrith’s death 141 days after that of his father’s.[1]

In this respect the kingship of Offa is different, his appeal for loyalty was not just extended to the warrior class but all of his subjects. Offa had many different means at his disposal to ensure the loyalty of his subjects. He was one of the first kings to begin to exploit religion to political gain by farming off potential rivals to his power by placing them in monasteries and abbeys, with the princes and princesses confined to these places of worship they were unable to form a power base with with to challenge Offa. Offa also attempted to control the church after he regained control of Kent and with it the the Archbishopric of Canterbury in 785 by chairing a synod during which he exercised his political power over the bishops every year until his death.[2]

Offa made the use of land grants rather than booty to keep his warrior class on side. Land grants worked in two ways, first they replaced the content need of a king to go into harms way in the search of booty thereby greatly improving their average age. Secondly land grants tied powerful people to one place, they could not possibly raise an army if  they were required to maintain their land. The minor kings that found themselves incorporated into the kingdom of Mercia were placated by being given the title Ealdormen and were granted considerable power in the local area however during the reign of Offa this was increasingly wielded in the name of the king. Walker attributes this change to the fact that the traditional system was becoming increasingly harder to sustain and with an increasingly literate elite Offa was able to give and receive information and instructions to the far flung corners of his kingdom.[3]

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Offa, together with the Frankish king Charlemagne, were unique among European kings of the age. It is know that the two were in correspondence with each other. The one letter that survives is very significant as it is the first letter, between kings, discussing trade ever to be discovered.[4] To Campbell the letter, sent to Offa from Charlemagne in the year of his crowned Roman Emperor by the pope, gives an impression of the power that Mercia had or more likely could obtain. This is because Charlemagne describes Offa as “brother” inferring that the two were of equal status, this is a courtesy that was not extended to any other western king other than Offa. The power and friendship from the most powerful state in Europe sets Offa apart from other Anglo-Saxon rulers as no ruler before him came close to holding this kind of power in his grasp.

Offa also used currency to gain a personal loyalty from the people of Mercia. He was the first king to put a portrait of himself onto coins and all coins carried his title Rex Merciorum King of Mercia, because of this whenever the Mercian people used coins they saw the face of their king. Millions of such coins were produced for a country which would have a very small population by today’s standards. This display of wealth and the image of the king provided what almost amounted to a guarantee from the king that the coins were valuable. Because of this Offa was one of the first kings to receive a personal loyalty and it is not far fetched to suggest that this could possible be one of the first personality cults to arise around a political leader.

Another reason for the expansion of coinage, Offa increased the number of moneyers from three to twenty one around 785, was to facilitate the trade with the Franks discussed in Charlemagne’s letter to Offa. The large number of coins in circulation made such trade much easier.[5]

Unlike previous Anglo-Saxon kings Offa set himself up as a peace giver. He enacted Ine’s law code in an apparent attempt to stop long running bloody feuds between families. It did this by establishing the Wergild or man-payment. The Wergild was a monetary reparation paid to the family of the deceased by the killer. The size of the Wergild would be dependent on the persons social status, less if he happened to be a native for instance. Once the Wergild was paid the dispute was over, this meant that family feuding akin to that of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet and something that was fairly common in Scandinavia was severely limited bring a much more stable less violent country. This peacefulness allowed Mercia to significantly develop its culture which is evident in their exquisite metal work[6] and in the Lichfield Angel.

Borders of kingdoms of Anglo-Saxon England are very different to what one might call a border today. This was because they were in a state of flux, they were not clearly marked or defined and the shape and nature of the kingdoms themselves were constantly changing. Offa made steps to correct this. He built an earthwork starting at the river Dee and possibly ending at the Severn estuary although more likely its southern most reach was near the present day town of Hereford. The purpose of the Dyke is a case for debate, on the face of it it would appear that it was built as a defensive measure to prevent people from Wales raiding into the Mercian heartland however there is no evidence of forts, palisades or permanent garrisons. This does not exclude the possibility of it being a defensive structure but it seems possible that it was more of an attempt to create a physical border between Wales and Mercia and possibly to serve as a monument to the power of King Offa in an attempt to re-enforce the personality cult and to ensure his son’s succession to the thrown.[7] However Hill & Worthington maintain that, for the palisades, the absence of evidence is not the evidence of absence as there are many lengths of the dyke that have not been inspected and they say that the Dyke being a defensive structure is logical given the power of the Powys kingdom at the time.[8]

While construction dates are not know it is know that at a similar time Charlemagne attempted a similarly massive project by trying to link the rivers Rhine and Danube by canal, interestingly Charlemagne’s project failed this tells us of the great power that Offa was able to wield as the Dyke would have required thousands of workers to create it.[9] The dyke was an impressive feat that previous Anglo-Saxon kings would have been unable to construct.

   Offa was distinctly different from previous Anglo-Saxon kings, he cast aside the conventional methods of rule of the time and adopted and instigated many new practices that set him apart from the earlier kings of the age. In doing so he influenced not just the future Anglo-Saxon kings but also had influence on the continent. Offa king of the Mercians was a new kind of Anglo-Saxon king.

Bibliography

Brown Michelle & Farr Carol. Mercia. (London, Continuum) 2001

Cameron James. The Anglo-Saxons. (London, Penguin) 1982

Fisher D.J.V. The Anglo-Saxon age. (Essex, Longman) 1973

Highman Nicholas. Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons.(London, Seaby) 1992

Hill David & Worthington Margaret. Offa’s Dyke. (Stroud, The History Press) 2003

Walker Ian. Mercia and the making of England. (Thrupp, Sutton) 2000

[1]D Hill & M Worthington Offa’s Dyke (2003) p10

[2]I Walker Mercia and the making of England (2000) pp 12-13

[3]I Walker Mercia and the making of England (2000) pp 6-7

[4]J Campbell. The Anglo-Saxons (1982) p101

[5]I Walker Mercia and the making of England (2000) p 12

[6]L Webster in Mercia (2001) pp263-278

[7]I Walker Mercia and the making of England (2000) p 9

[8]D Hill & M Worthington Offa’s Dyke. (2003) pp 124-128

[9]I Walker Mercia and the making of England (2000) p 10

   Non-literary sources can, in some cases, be used to shed some light onto history. Place names are one potential source available to historians studying the Anglo-Saxon period to highlight how they can be useful the towns and villages of the county of Somerset, specifically the area around the towns of Bridgwater and Taunton, will be examined.

Many place names in England are direct descendants from their Anglo-Saxon name, the most obvious examples of this are the major towns of the some of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms such as Bamburgh of Northumbria, Tamworth of Mercia and Winchester of Wessex. This is also noticeable across the country, the names can indicate important details that may have historical significance such as if a settlement was fortified (earth works and possible wooden palisades at best) or if a settlement was a farm. The names can also indicate details about the landscape which can infer some historical importance

One of the most common Anglo-Saxon suffixes that have found their way into the names of towns in Somerset is the word tun or ton meaning homestead protected by a fence. The suffix comes from the late Anglo-Saxon period (900s onwards) and is present in towns such as Cossington, Cannington, Dulverton, Somerton, and Thurloxton. From this it is possible to get a rough image of what the settlements may have looked like in the 900s, however what might have more historical significance. The county town Taunton also has the word Tun in it but unusually it comes first, meaning Taunton describes a Tun on the River Tone.

The Town of Cannington is also interesting, in this case the “ing” does not refer to a place named after a tribe but instead the word means Tun by the Quantock Hills therefore Cannington originated as a fenced homestead in a hilly area. Conversely the “ing” in Cossington refers to Cusa making Cossington the Tun if Cusa’s people.

The word Dulverton provides a fascinating insight to the landscape at the time of settlement, as the word “Dulver” is thought to refer to a hidden ford therefore Dulverton is built on the sight of a river crossing.

Somerton is interesting in two ways. The first being the fact the name “Somerton” suggests that the settlement started life as a Tun only occupied during the summer months. The second interesting point is that Somerton eventually lent its name to the county of Somerset meaning the people dependent on Somerton.

One of Somerset’s larger towns is Bridgwater originally know as “Brycg” meaning the bridge it later became known as Bridgwater as the area was owned by Walter de Dowai after the Norman conquest. The original name of the town shows that is was obviously a crossing over a river.

Another of the larger Somerset towns is Yeovil which is derived from the name of the river Yeo which flows through the town. There is also the nearby settlement of Yeovilton meaning Tun on the river Yeo. Ilchester is another town on the river Yeo who’s names origin is somewhat older than that of Yeovil or Yeovilton as it refers to a Roman fort on the river Yeo.

The seaside town of Watchet has some debate around the meaning of its name one idea put forward for its meaning is lower wood as it is identical to a word found in Gaul meaning that the area at the time of settlement would have been wooded and perhaps at the bottom of a hill or large incline. Another potential meaning of the word is servant or level potentially indicating that the town was used for the sell and or transport of slaves, while this could shed some light on the nature of the settlement during the Anglo-Saxon period the first explanation seems to be more reliable.

The meaning of the village of Puriton gives an insight to both the nature of the settlement and its landscape at the time of its creation. The Ton obviously refers to a “tun” while the “Puri” means pear’s so Puriton means Pear tree tun. So Puriton was a fence protected homestead but one which must have contained many pear trees. The village of Goathurst also gives some insight to the potential nature of the settlement, with the name meaning either goat hill or wood. Taking the first meaning it suggest an unfenced goat farm on a hill or something similar.

Many towns in Somerset give something away about their landscape through their names one such example is the name of the town of Enmore gives significant insight to the landscape of the area when the village was formed. Enmore means Duck mere which my extension shows the existence in or near the village of a large pond or small lake. Similar topographical insight can be gained from the town of Nettlecombe, the “combe” refers to a valley while the nettle refers to nettles therefore Nettlecombe means valley where nettles grow. Another Somerset town whose name gives insight to the Anglo-Saxon landscape is Minehead. Which literally means Myne Hill, the towns name is derived from the hill on which it sits. Burnham-on-Sea is another town that describes the Anglo-Saxon landscape. Originally know just as Burnham the name means a “ham” on a stream, “ham” is an old English word meaning much the same as “tun” but is about 200 years older in origin meaning Burnham must be older than the already discussed settlements with the tun suffix.

This essay has shown how place names, a non-literary source, can be useful to fill some of the gaps in knowledge left by documentary and archaeological sources. The very nature of names means many more Anglo-Saxon place names remain in use today and are much more readily available than documentary and archaeological resources. However it should be noted that many educated guesses have to be made when trying to use place names to astatine the nature and landscape of a settlement due to changes in names over time and debate on the meanings of some Old English words which goes some way to limit their usefulness. Despite this they are one of the few tools available to historians studying the period and are therefore a very valuable source.

The Ku Klux Klan was mainly based in the south of America. Here they targeted those set free after the American Civil War – the African Americans. The KKK didn’t think that the former slaves as free and terrorised Africa American families based in the South who were once slaves. During the 1920’s America suffered great economic downfall, and is one of the main reasons the Ku Klu Klux Klan formed, because of the racism mixed with the anger due to the economic crisis.

Many different groups during the 1920’s emerged, over the years. One being the blacks who emerged after the abolishment of the slavery in 1865, however at the same time, a sinister group called the KKK. Only White Anglo Saxons Protestants were allowed to join, and it is known that the KKK attacked black people, Jews, Catholics and liberals.

The KKK has existed since 1865 and the KKK during the 1920s and 1930s is known as the second Klan. This was the peak of it’s existence and is estimated that it had roughly 4,000,000 members.

The KKK began murdering black soldiers (still in military uniforms) when they were returning from World War I from 1918 onwards, in which they murdered 416 African Americans over the course of 9 years, predominantly in the south.

The KKK at first was only a harmless gang, who at began riding around in white cloaks disturbing towns and the peace. They then saw this as an advantage and later when they began accepting new members, moved and became responsible for violent crimes against other ethnic groups. Nathan Bedford Forrest was the first leader of the Klan and in the 1920’s the KKK thought that they had to compete against immigrants and other ethnic groups for jobs which then resulted in rivalry between them.

In conclusion the KKK was a very dangerous organisation during the 1920’s through to the 1930’s and often people were forced to join or leave America, if they could. More often than not people didn’t have enough money especially after the war and the economic crisis. The KKK than began committing violent crimes against other ethnic groups, and with the KKK being at its peak in the 1920’s it was difficult to retaliate. The KKK however declined during the depression in America and during World War II. Whilst the KKK is partly still around to date, it is not as fierce as it once was. 

Perhaps it’s time to rectify that situation.

The Defenders

The common misconception is that, before the Normans arrived in England, the English were Nordic barbarians. This is simply not true. The English of the early eleventh century were a cultured people, particularly the nobility. Extravagant dress was the order of the day at the court of King Edward the Confessor (AD 1042-1066). The Normans are even on record as thinking the English fashion “effeminate.”

Many in the English upper classes could read and write, and literature was prized. As a society, the English were pious, although the English Church was not necessarily orthodox, as its isolation provided some freedom from canonical rigidity. Of all the “crimes” of which the Normans accused the English nation, only religious unorthodoxy, really “different-ness,” held any weight, and even this claim was largely a matter of semantics. At this time, the English language was very closely related to German, and is commonly called “Old English,” and most English people were of Germanic descent.

In the English army, cavalry was nonexistent, and the chief defensive tactic involved the construction of a shield wall. The entire army would form a massive line, about eight men deep, every soldier overlapping his shield with that of the man to his left. This tactic provided excellent protection from an advancing enemy, but at the cost of maneuverability.

Finally, the English government was quite unlike that of any other European nation. The real power in England rested in the hands of seven earls. The kingship did not necessarily pass from father to son, and neither was the king all-powerful. The successor-who had to be descended from Alfred the Great (9th century AD)-would be a man of standing in the nation, and had to be approved by the witan. The witan were essentially a “proto-parliament,” a council that advised the king. In theory, any freeman could serve on the council, though in practice such suffrage as it permitted was generally reserved for the nobility. There were, however, also various local assemblies where peasants served in greater numbers.

The Invaders

The invading Normans, as most historians describe them, were barbaric by comparison. The flamboyant clothing of the English nobility was shunned in favor of more practical dress that served for hunting and sports as well as for battle. By and large, the Norman court was illiterate-William the Conqueror never learned to read or write. Poetry and literature were scorned as “priestly” pastimes, and religion served a political purpose. William the Conqueror deliberately used the church to discredit King Harold. Although Catholic historians often mention the duke as having been a friend of the church, his aggressiveness suggests that he was far from a saint. Understandably, being strongly connected with the mainstream church, the Catholics of Normandy were extremely devout-in word if not in deed.

Two hundred years earlier, a group of Norsemen (Vikings) had conquered the territory of Normandy, giving their name to the land. By the time of William the Conqueror, these Norsemen had become Normans, but their language, although ostensibly a dialect of French, still contained much of the old Scandinavian speech, and the Normans were as warlike as their fathers had been. Before William conquered England, he had conquered several parts of France and even ravaged Sicily.

The Norman army had one of the more modern cavalry armies of Europe. Chivalry, the great knightly code, was still in its infancy at this time, but William’s most important troops were already his knights. Chivalry was merely another excuse to make war-which is essentially what it remained throughout the Middle Ages. At Hastings, only two thousand Norman cavalrymen destroyed an eight-thousand-man English shield wall.

Finally, Normandy was an utter autocracy. There were no advisory councils, and barons were expected to give their undying support to the duke, whether they agreed with him or not. This was a thoroughly feudalistic society-and a relatively brutal one.

The Results

Out of the joining of these two very different nations came the England and the English culture we know today. It is impossible to guess what England might have been had things gone differently, because the last nine hundred years of English history are the result of William’s victory.

We can, however, study what happened after his conquest. There can be little doubt that the initial effects of the Norman victory were catastrophic. Villages were razed, thousands of peasants were mercilessly slaughtered, and most common people were soon living in a kind of poverty heretofore unknown. No longer could a peasant take his complaint to a council, but must instead face a lord who didn’t speak that peasant’s language.

In fact, some the more lasting effects of the Norman invasion can be seen and heard every moment of the day. The conquest certainly brought England out of isolation and into contact with mainland Europe and its ideas, yet it also permanently stratified English society and political structure along class lines, and it “re-sanctified” the legitimacy of the hereditary nobility that endures in English custom even to this day. Moreover, the very fact that you are reading this article in a language called “English” is testament to the lasting impact of the conquest. Previously, Old English was a predominantly Germanic tongue. After the Normans arrived, Old English began to absorb words from Norman- and High French, as well as from Latin. The mish-mash that resulted is the language we now speak.